A Short History of U.S. Interventions in Latin America and the Caribbean presents a concise account of the full sweep of U.S. military invasions and interventions in Central America, South America, and the Caribbean from 1800 up to the present day. Engages in debates about the economic, military, political, and cultural motives that shaped U.S. interventions in Cuba, Nicaragua, Puerto Rico, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Panama, Guatemala, Mexico, and elsewhere Deals with incidents that range from the taking of Florida to the Mexican War, the War of 1898, the Veracruz incident of 1914, the Bay of Pigs, and the 1989 invasion of Panama Features also the responses of Latin American countries to U.S. involvement Features unique coverage of 19th century interventions as well as 20th century incidents, and includes a series of helpful maps and illustrations
Reveals how Cold War U.S. presidents intervened in Latin America not, as the official argument stated, to protect economic interests or war off perceived national security threats, but rather as a way of responding to questions about strength and credibility both globally and at home.
Through the shifting prisms of democracy, intervention, and human rights, Bouvier and her contributors analyze the impact of globalization on U.S.-Latin American relations. They address the changing nature of and responses to U.S. interventions, the links between democracy at home and abroad, and the growing consensus around human rights issues and norms.
Cottam explains the patterns of U.S. intervention in Latin America by focusing on the cognitive images that have dominated policy makers' world views, influenced the procession of information, and informed strategies and tactics. She employs a number of case studies of intervention and analyzes decision-making patterns from the early years of the cold war in Guatemala and Cuba to the post-cold-war policies in Panama and the war on drugs in Peru. Using two particular images-the enemy and the dependent-Cottam explores why U.S. policy makers have been predisposed to intervene in Latin America when they have perceived an enemy (the Soviet Union) interacting with a dependent (a Latin American country), and why these images led to perceptions that continued to dominate policy into the post-cold-war era.
Essay from the year 2004 in the subject History - America, grade: 1,7, University of Melbourne, 11 entries in the bibliography, language: English, abstract: An intervention can be conducted in various ways and the US have engaged in nearly all of them. Although I am aware that economic interventions1have gained in importance in the last decades the focus will be on military interventions. These have mostly been conducted secretly and without the direct involvement of the US military. This gave room for rumours which were fed by anti US prejudice which in itself had developed among university scholars because of the interventionist culture. As time has elapsed many former secret documents are available for researchers and it has become easier to get a more objective view of the motivations of US policy. The very fact that the USA tried to cover up its involvement in these ‘operations’ indicates that their motivations were probably not of a philanthropical nature. The foundations for the US involvement in Latin America were already laid out in 1823 in the Monroe Doctrine. It proclaimed the primacy of US interests in the Western Hemisphere, and in so doing declared a sphere of influence on a grand scale from which the European presence was proscribed. Until the intervention in Cuba it had little influence because the USA was caught up in the civil war and didn’t have the strength and resources yet to challenge the former colonial powers.
The Banana Wars: United States Intervention in the Caribbean, 1898–1934 offers a sweeping panorama of America's tropical empire in the age spanned by the two Roosevelts and a detailed narrative of U.S. military intervention in the Caribbean and Mexico. In this new edition, Professor Langley provides an updated introduction, placing the scholarship in current historical context. From the perspective of the Americans involved, the empire carved out by the banana warriors was a domain of bickering Latin American politicians, warring tropical countries, and lawless societies that the American military had been dispatched to police and tutor. Beginning with the Cuban experience, Langley examines the motives and consequences of two military occupations and the impact of those interventions on a professedly antimilitaristic American government and on its colonial agents in the Caribbean, the American military. The result of the Cuban experience, Langley argues, was reinforcement of the view that the American people did not readily accept prolonged military occupation of Caribbean countries. In Nicaragua and Mexico, from 1909 to 1915, where economic and diplomatic pressures failed to bring the results desired in Washington, the American military became the political arbiters; in Hispaniola, bluejackets and marines took on the task of civilizing the tropics. In the late 1920s, with an imperial force largely of marines, the American military waged its last banana war in Nicaragua against a guerrilla leader named Augusto C. Sandino. Langley not only narrates the history of America's tropical empire, but fleshes out the personalities of this imperial era, including Leonard Wood and Fred Funston, U.S. Army, who left their mark on Cuba and Vera Cruz; William F. Fullam and William Banks Caperton, U.S. Navy, who carried out their missions imbued with old-school beliefs about their role as policemen in disorderly places; Smedley Butler and L.W.T. Waller, Sr., U.S.M.C., who left the most lasting imprint of A